THE COMMUNIST PARTY'S POLICY OF OPPRESSION
There have been two main stages in Chinese communism: The Mao period and the Deng period. Although Mao and Deng differed in theory and practice, looking at them from a wider perspective, based on the criteria of human rights and democracy, two very important similarities exist in the two periods. Throughout both periods the country was kept under the strict control of the Communist Party. The present rulers are also still continuing to repress the Chinese people under that same despotic regime.
The Mao period lasted from 1949 to 1977, and witnessed the deaths of millions of people from starvation and the killing of millions of others. Strict discipline prevailed in all areas of life, little individual freedom was allowed, and whole communities were kept in line by violence and oppression. Food could only be purchased with coupons, only one type of costume was allowed, and people could only work in the fields and the factories allocated by the state. The Communist Party decided who could marry whom, where they would live, and how many children they could have.
 
The image of itself China gives to the outside world is very different from what actually goes on inside the country. Skyscrapers, modern roads and luxurious workplaces are not enough to cover up the fact that some 100 million people are forced to work in inhuman conditions in the labor camps, scavenge in refuse heaps because they do not have enough to eat, or spend hours queuing for work. |
Although food today can be purchased without coupons, and people can wear what they want and visit neighboring cities, these economic-based changes have not led to any change in the mentality of the party. The Chinese people still can enjoy freedom only within the limits set out by the Communist Party. In fact, the latest economic changes began when the Communist Party allowed private investments in order to revive the Chinese economy which had been bankrupted by Mao's policies. Furthermore, that renewal and progress was not reflected in rural areas, in which the level of poverty is rising. Alongside this, the executions that we examined in detail in an earlier section of this book, the labor camps, the selling of victims' organs, compulsory family planning and other such practices still go on. Following the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, President of China Jiang Zemin's statements revealing that economic reforms will continue, but nobody should have any dreams of democracy was of great importance in summing up the party's policy.
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One article in The New York Times described the Chinese idea of democracy in these terms:
The Ministry of Justice admits to holding more than 2,000 "counter-revolutionary" political prisoners, a number that has declined in recent years. But countless thousands of other political and religious prisoners of conscience are in labor camps and mental institutions. In a heavily policed society, little has changed since 1979, when young intellectuals like Wei Jingsheng and Xu Wenli pasted up on Democracy Wall their calls for reform... Wei went to prison, where he remains today, and Xu is a political hermit.76
As we have seen, although the Chinese government claims that everyone is free to express his thoughts, Chinese citizens are not permitted to criticize the regime or senior party officials and their actions, nor are they allowed to publish such criticism. The party strictly monitors all views that conflict with its own. People are punished on the grounds of state security if they issue the slightest criticism. Those who do are detained, and can be kept for months without being taken to court and without their relatives being notified of their whereabouts.
THE TIANANMEN SQUARE MASSACRE
On June 4, 1989, the world once again witnessed the brutality of communist China. University students in Tiananmen Square demanding greater democracy and freedom found themselves opposed by their own country's army. The Chinese government paid no attention to the fact that the protestors were their own citizens, only 19 or 20 years old. In the view of communist China, the important factor was the existence of a potential threat to the state, and the Politbureau decided that the university students did in fact represent a threat. That decision led to the deaths of thousands of people, with thousands more being wounded and tens of thousands being tortured in detention.
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On June 4, 1989, the People's Liberation Army marched against the protesting students in Tiananmen Square and, according to Chinese Red Cross figures, killed 2,600 people. This figure did not include those secretly buried by the army or otherwise "disappeared". Other sources estimate the death toll was between 7,000 and 20,000. More than 7,000 people were injured during the incident. About 40,000 were arrested (most of these were later publicly executed).77 In this way communist China once again showed the world just how "successfully" it had dealt with its opponents.
Tiananmen Square had been one of the most important centers of the widely supported democratic movement that the Chinese people initiated against the colonialist Western powers in 1919. Protests there had a particular symbolic significance. The fact that there are many public buildings around the square was also a reason why it was chosen for protests. The 1989 protests began when Beijing University students wanted to commemorate former General Secretary of the Communist Party Hu Yaobang, who had died shortly before and was known for his reformist views. After the death of Yaobang on April 15th, a man who had always looked warmly on the students' demands, university students held marches to honor Hu and mourn his death. These eventually developed into meetings at which greater democracy, university autonomy, greater employment opportunities and freedom of the press were demanded.
On April 18th, tens of thousands of students staged sit-in at Tiananmen Square and put forward Seven Demands. But that movement and the students' wishes were ignored. On April 22nd, the students again demanded a dialogue and submission of a petition letter to the government, but their demands were rejected again.
The students then announced that they were setting up the Autonomous Students Union of Beijing. Workers soon began supporting the federation, and the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation joined it. This development seriously alarmed the Politbureau because the federation was ceasing to be a simple student protest and was turning into a movement that people from all sections of society were joining. It represented a threat to the communist regime, and the Politbureau was terrified of losing its dictatorial powers. On April 26, the government announced that it was banning all demonstrations. The headline "It Is Necessary to Take a Clear-Cut Stand Against Disturbances" in the government's official mouthpiece, the People's Daily, showed that the Politbureau intended to make no concessions to the protestors. The editorial which condemned the students' movement as "turmoil" and called it a "conspiracy," angered the populace. The next day, some 200,000 students from rallied on all main streets supported by one million citizens.
On May 4, the students read a declaration calling on the government to fight corruption, guarantee constitutional freedoms, speed up economic and political reform, adopt a press law and permit the publication of private newspapers. Students from all over the country set off for Beijing to support their colleagues in the capital. The people of Beijing formed a huge wall around the square, and workers from various parts of the country declared that they were backing the students. The Chinese government feared, however, that acceptance of the students' demands would mean the beginning of the end of their regime: any rights granted to the students would have to be granted to other sections of society. This was a grave danger to the communist regime, which regarded people more as units of production, and thought it was far more important for them to work than to enjoy these rights.
    The protest begun by university students in Tiananmen Square in 1989 was ruthlessly punished by the Communist Party. |
The hunger strike begun by the students on May 13 enjoyed wide support from intellectuals and teachers. Within a few weeks, the hunger strike was backed by millions of people. The number of protestors in the square reached half a million. Zhao Ziyang, a moderate who tried to establish dialogue between the students and the government, was shortly afterwards forced to resign. Deng Xiaoping's uncompromising attitude forced him to resign, as did the declaration of a state of war by Deng and almost all the elderly members of the Politbureau. Their idea that violence was necessary to put down the student protest led to the bloodiest operation since the brutal days of the Cultural Revolution.
On the eve of martial law, a huge number of students poured into Beijing. According to Railway Ministry figures, some 57,000 students entered Beijing between May 16 and 19 by train alone. The vast crowd of students, most of whom came from outside the city, was made up representatives of 319 separate schools.78 The rising numbers in the square alarmed the government even further. The declaration of martial law allowed 40,000 soldiers from 22 separate divisions to set out for Beijing (the majority of them were prevented from entering the city by the populace).
That popular resistance did not last long, however. On the morning of June 3, troops began surrounding the square. Fighting broke out in the afternoon, and by the evening army units had overcome the barricades. Many Beijing residents lost their lives in the fighting, as did students, when the Chinese army opened fire on the crowd at random, and its tanks crushed anyone who got in their way, even bystanders. On the morning of June 4, all the roads leading into Tiananmen Square were sealed off. The fighting lasted for a day or two more, and by June 9 thousands of people had been killed. The cleaning up operation was not restricted to dispersing the crowd. Tens of thousands of people were arrested, including intellectuals, workers, politicians, students, and Beijing residents. Those members of the Politbureau who had taken a moderate line were expelled from the party and arrested.
SCENES AFTER THE MASSACRE
The 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre was a terrible reminder to those who had forgotten the savage face of communism. The whole world saw once again just how savage, ruthless and brutal communist ideology could be when it came to defending itself. Asiaweek magazine described the Chinese rulers who gave the order for the massacre in these words, "Words like "paranoia," "irrational," "bloodthirsty" fail to explain the rage of Beijing's supreme leaders."79 Eyewitnesses of the massacre described the scenes as follows:
. at one command, the soldiers raised their guns and fired one round at the residents and students, who fell to the ground. As soon as the gunshots stopped, other people rushed forward to rescue the wounded. The steps of a clinic near Xidan were already covered in blood. But the struggle at the intersection did not stop. Armoured vehicles ran over roadblocks, knocked over cars and buses. The unarmed people had only bricks. What they got in return was bullets. People dispersed and ran for their lives. Soldiers ran after them, guns blazing. Even when residents ran into courtyards or into the shrubbery, the soldiers would catch up with them and kill them.80
Thousands of eyewitnesses made similar statements, giving details of the massacre and the ruthlessness of the Chinese army. Statements by the relatives of those who lost their lives in the massacre add to the proof of the savagery. One of these was a petition by the "June Fourth Victims' Network," set up by relatives of those who had been killed, which comprised statements by 105 individuals, part of which read as follows:
He was shot from the back of his head, and his shoulders, ribs and arms all had gunshot wounds. There was a bayonet wound about 7 to 8 centimeters below his bellybutton. It was obvious that he didn't die immediately after being hit by several bullets, then he was stabbed to death. Both his palms had deep cuts from bayonets. He must have tried to take away the bayonet and was cut. When we saw his body, the upper body was covered with blood. It was too horrible to see. [From the statement of the family of Wu Guofeng, a 20-year-old student].
[In order to find my son] We went from hospital to hospital with many names, perhaps 400, on each list. People crowded around, trying to find the names of missing relatives. We looked through many lists without finding our son's name, and also went into the hospitals to look for him among the unidentified corpses. It was pitiful, a blur of blood and flesh, young bodies with wild, staring eyes. [From the statement of the family of Wu Xiangdong, killed by a bullet to the neck.]
After daybreak, the troops buried the dead on Chang'an Bouleavard where they had died. Wang Nan and several others killed near him were buried west of the lawn in front of the No.28 High School to the west of Tiananmen. Around June 7, because the bodies were buried not far from the surface, their clothes became visible above the surface after a torrential rain. They also began to smell. So the school reported the matter to the Xicheng District Public Security Bureau. The health bureau and the public security bureau jointly exhumed the bodies. Since all identification documents (or death certificates) had been taken away by the soldiers who buried the bodies, these became unidentified corpses. [Statement of the family of Wang Nan, killed at age 19].81
   The brutality witnessed in Tiananmen Square continued after the protest itself had come to an end. Many of those who took part were later executed, and many others arrested and sent off to the labor camps. |
All these statements reveal the dimension of the human tragedy in Tiananmen Square in 1989. In the same way, as with the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution in the past, the communist Chinese leadership had again showed that it attached little importance to human life and that communism was a repressive and dictatorial regime. Chinese prisons are still packed with people arrested during the Tiananmen Square incident.
Furthermore, these are not the only factors that have turned China into a state of terror. The communist Chinese regime employs all possible forms of oppression and brutality to keep itself in power. It also uses its own citizens like robots to keep its economy on its feet. Working conditions in China and the general situation of the populace are terrible evidence of the ruthless, selfish and soulless nature of communist regimes.
HOW PRIMARY SCHOOL CHILDREN ARE MADE TO WORK
In the same way that the Chinese administration compels the people of East Turkestan to work while taking the profits of that labor, it also exploits its own people in order to preserve the system. On the one hand, those guilty and accused of thought crimes are forced to work in the labor camps, and, on the other, the public are made to work for the state and the profits taken away. Even children of primary school age are also used in order to get the very last drop of blood out of the people. Since people are only of value to the communist system as long as they keep producing, and the age, health and working conditions of those who carry out that production are often irrelevant. It is therefore entirely natural according to the communist mindset that children should be exploited as well. The use of children provides cheap labor, and constitutes a serious advantage for the Chinese economy.
Livestock is raised, farming and tailoring carried out, and even fireworks are produced in Chinese schools. There are sometimes even mass deaths among the children who perform such labor, because children are generally used to perform dangerous jobs such as filling and preparing fireworks. Fifty children were killed in one explosion in the village of Fangling in the district of Jiangxi in eastern China, and another child seriously injured.82 As well as studying and doing their homework at that school, its 200 students are also responsible for producing fireworks. The 13-year-old student Gao Yun, told the Reuters news agency about the work they did:
We started making fireworks in the school four years ago, once or twice a week. Pupils in higher grades made the barrels and those in low grades attach the fuses. If we produce more, our teachers give us rewards like pencils or notebooks. But if we don't meet our targets we are not allowed to go home.83
The communist administrators who were capable of having children work at such dangerous tasks exhibited the exact same callousness when it came to informing the families of the children who had been killed in the explosion, telling them, "It's not so bad, it is like a kind of family planning."84
The most striking example of the way that people in China are used like machines, for whom concepts such as love, affection, understanding, tolerance and compassion have little meaning, is the conditions that Chinese people are forced to work under.
Chinese people describe how they are constantly humiliated, belittled, forced to work in appalling conditions and are afraid of being punished, and how their working conditions are a form of "suicide by degrees." One of the reasons for this is that health conditions in Chinese working environments are usually very poor. Workers usually have to labor from seven in the morning until late at night, and frequently suffer various deadly diseases because the necessary precautions are not taken to ensure their good health. The way they are psychologically belittled and treated like animals places them under even greater pressure.
 | Under the communist regime, which tends to regard people as mere means of production, children are also regarded as elements that need to be made to work and contribute to production. | |
One study by the Australian researcher Anita Chan in 1998 revealed the details of that environment. The study discussed a letter sent to a newspaper by 20 workers at the Zhaojie shoe factory in the province of Guangdong. It particularly concentrated on events experienced by workers brought in from other districts to the factory, a joint state-owned and private venture, and the health and safety conditions in it. According to the letter, there are more than 100 security guards on permanent patrol at the factory, and the migrant workers are never given permission to leave it. One of the workers described what went on there:
Being beaten and abused are everyday occurrences, and other punishments include being made to stand on a stool for everyone to see, to stand facing the wall to reflect on your mistakes, or being made to crouch in a bent-knee position. The staff and workers often have to work from 7am to midnight. Many have fallen sick. It is not easy even to get permission for a drink of water during working hours.85
 | In the communist system, people are only of any worth so long as they produce, and everyone has to contribute to production. | |
It should not be imagined that this was an exceptional case stemming from the cruelty of the local managers in charge. Similar conditions exist in factories all over China, and particularly those in East Turkestan. Fines and penalties imposed for just about anything are among the most prominent features of such places. Among the forms of behavior that can lead to the imposition of such sanctions are laughing and talking during working hours, loitering in company premises outside of working hours, and leaving the lights on. Even the length of time workers can spend in the toilet is strictly supervised. There are even cases where employees are fined two days' wages for going to the toilet more than twice a day.86
As in many other fields, the brutality and violence that are so much a part of the communist system are meted out by troops and the police in the workplace. Security officers use electric prods to enforce obedience to company regulations, and are in constant collaboration with the local police. This serves to prevent any protest by workers about their working conditions or unpaid wages.
SOCIAL COLLAPSE IN CHINA
The disasters that communism has visited on China are by no means restricted to the examples we have already seen. China has suffered for years under a despotic regime, and is currently undergoing a serious social collapse. Increasing unemployment, unpaid wages, the rise in the crime rate, and the news of protests and clashes that erupt all over the country on a daily basis are a striking revelation of the damage that communism can inflict on a society. On the one hand, there are the continuing human rights violations, and on the other, a very unfair distribution of income, and both of these are accelerating the social collapse in China. The Chinese people are being used like guinea pigs, and are being dragged from one catastrophe to another.
There has recently been a huge crime wave in China, with vast rises in theft, prostitution and white slavery, drug abuse and white collar crime. Unemployment and a wave of migration from rural areas to the cities have led to a rise in thefts and robberies in urban areas.
One of the crimes that have increased most in recent years is the drug trade. The spiritual emptiness which communism brings with it has brought about a huge increase in drug abuse and trafficking.
Statistical studies reveal that the crime rate among women is exceptionally high and rising. A rise in crimes committed against women, such as prostitution and white slavery is also rising. Women and children are frequently involved in the business of prostitution. These crimes reveal the moral degeneration going on in the Chinese society. Increased bribery and corruption is another element of the ongoing social collapse in China.
 
| Newsweek, 3.12.01 | BOOMING TRADE IN SEX SLAVES Books by young Chinese women about the drugs, sex ans women triangle in the country sell like hot cakes... | One of the most important indications of the moral degeneration being experienced in China is the rapid spread of prostitution. A number of books have revealed the true dark face of China, a world of drugs, white slavery, and perversion.
News reports concerning the rapid rise of drug abuse frequently appear in the world media. According to one story in Newsweek, at the end of 1997, some 540,000 drug addicts in the country applied for assistance under programs to help them overcome their dependency. The figure now stands at around 800,000. Three-quarters of these people are under 25. |
Exposed for years to materialist Darwinist thought and brought up to have no moral or spiritual values, young people in China are currently experiencing a huge moral degeneration. The above report in Newsweek magazine reveals the state to which they have fallen. Li Meijin, a criminology professor at the People's Public Security University, has stated that the number of robberies shot up nearly 3,000 percent during the 1990s. According to one study cited in the report, three-quarters of crimes committed between 1978 and 1998 were by young people aged 14-25. |
The Chinese Communist Party ignores all forms of spiritual education and is firmly convinced that it is possible to train human beings like animals. As we have seen, it is now attempting to wrestle with a monster of its own making. It is resorting to even greater brutality to deal with crime. However, arresting, executing and punishing even more people is certainly not the way to deal with this physical and moral collapse. China is currently going through the inevitable result of all communist regimes, and the first step on the way to deal with the problem lies in raising a strong and healthy younger generation. Only those with a sound spiritual formation can hope to avoid immorality and evil. Someone who has no knowledge of God and His religion, who has no love and fear of Him, and does not expect to have to give an account of himself, has no firm reason to avoid evil. Only religious morality will keep one from a life of wickedness and immorality. God has forbidden indecency:
. My Lord has forbidden indecency, both open and hidden, and wrong action, and unrightful tyranny, and associating anything with God for which He has sent down no authority, and saying things about God you do not know. (Qur'an, 7:33)
Those who fear God abide unconditionally by these commands:
The believers are only those who have believed in God and His Messenger and then have had no doubt and have strived with their wealth and themselves in the Way of God. They are the ones who are true to their word. (Qur'an, 49:15)
THE CHINESE STATE IS POISONING ITS OWN CITIZENS
The increase in prostitution and drug abuse in China is also a cause of the spread of contagious diseases including AIDS. According to official figures, there are some half million known AIDS sufferers in China today, and the real number is estimated to be much higher. Yet Chinese state is not taking realistic measures to deal with their moral collapse, and is not taking precautions to grapple with AIDS.
Recent information has revealed that, instead of trying to prevent the spread of AIDS, the Chinese government is actually contributing to its spread. One of the most important reasons for its spread is people selling their blood, and that such blood exchanges take place in very unhygienic conditions. The Chinese authorities buy the blood of their citizens at very cheap prices. People are promised that, for five dollars a syringe, the plasma cells will be extracted and the blood then returned to them. However, the repeated use of the same syringe leads not only to the spread of AIDS, but also to many other contagious diseases.
CHINA IS NOT ABANDONING COMMUNISM
Mao's successor, Deng Xiaoping, resorted to several economic reforms in an attempt to stabilize the economy. These, including the adaptation of some free market principles to communism, partly reinvigorated the Chinese economy. Today, thanks to those reforms, Western companies are able to invest in China and private companies are allowed to operate. (In fact, the PLA is a partner in most of these private companies, and they have generals on their boards).
This led some people to believe that China had finally begun to break away from the teachings of Mao and develop a more democratic mentality. Yet, when what has happened in China over the last 20 years is examined from a broad perspective, all these so-called reforms and revisions have actually produced a more deep-rooted communist system.
In the same way that the collapse of the Soviet Union is thought of as "The collapse of a faulty application of Marxism" by die-hard communists, so Maoists in China and other parts of the world regard the present social collapse in China as the result of "incorrect practice." According to communist ideology, the ideal communist society has to go through a number of stages. First is capitalism, followed by a transition to socialism, and then communism. The real reason for the current capitalist picture in China is, therefore, an attempt to arrive at the ideal communist society. China is doing all it can to keep that capitalist picture restricted to the economic field, and continues to be devoted to Maoism in the political arena. For the transition to socialism, itself an important step on the road to communism, to be possible, the country is trying to revise the Communist Party to a socialist one.
Furthermore, China is today experiencing all aspects of the savage capitalism that is regarded as necessary for the transition to socialism. Inequality of income distribution, the ever increasing levels of unemployment, the rich are growing richer (as the poor grow poorer) and the moral collapse which came about as a result are intended to make the populace think that "Mao's time was best." Yet, although Maoism is portrayed as a viable alternative, it is really a regime of cruelty and savagery that has the blood of millions of people on its hands. In other words, people are going to find themselves out of the frying pan but in the fire.
  The traces of the catastrophes communism has brought to China can easily be seen all over the country. |
Recent research in China reveals that there is still great interest in Mao in the country, and that a large part of society still harks back to the days of Chairman Mao. The uncertainty and collapse due to the capitalist reforms that began in the 1970s have led to a peak in the protests that began in 1986, and led to Mao being reinstated on the country's agenda. A 1992 edition of Atlantic Monthly magazine describes China's return to Maoism as follows:
In fact, by the end of last year a surprising new craze for Mao trivia had spread throughout China. Although it lacked the political frenzy of the Cultural Revolution, during which weeping devotees of Mao marched across China in his name, beat to death supposed enemies of his revolution, and even pinned Mao buttons to their naked flesh, this latter-day infatuation was remarkably widespread. Capitalizing on this new infatuation with Mao, the state owned Xinhua bookstore sold more than 10 million copies of a new four-volume edition of Mao's collected works last year, and state-owned film studios have been cranking out docudramas. The 1991 film Mao Zedong and His Son was calculated to make Mao appear more human by highlighting an emotional scene in which he was told that his son Mao Anying had just been killed in the Korean War by the Americans. Such efforts to humanize Mao continued this year with the release of the propagandist Story of Mao Zedong.87
  Maoism's influence on the Chinese administration can be seen in the propaganda posters that Head of State, Jiang Zemin, had prepared. The poster on the left shows Mao, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Zemin. |
Pro-Mao propaganda still goes on today. Quiz shows are aired on Beijing television in which contestants are asked to recite well-known quotations from Mao on command and to identify the dates, places and contexts of other quotations of his. More of his posters are being put up, and his teachings are broadcast again and again on the radio and television. Given the scale of the propaganda they are subjected to, a large part of the Chinese people see Mao as a savior, and even feel a kind of mystical devotion to him. Many of them believe that Mao protects them from accidents, evil and disease. In his book The Sun That Never Sets, however, the Chinese investigative journalist Jia Lusheng underlines certain other truths. According to Jia, China's devotion to Mao reflects a nostalgia for the days when the country seemed more stable. He writes that poor leadership, a degenerate society, and the rising crime rate have all helped to increase the nostalgia for Mao. A great many Chinese imagine that the sun will again rise over China when Mao's ideology is translated into life.
As these analyses have shown, China is by no means turning its back on communism, and may even be moving towards an even stricter form of communism within the context of an established program. Communist ideology means the oppression in East Turkestan will continue. That is because communist ideology has always been an implacable foe of Muslims and Islam, and will always be so.
THE CHINESE "TERRORISM" DECEPTION
The terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, brought with them a new strategic order that would change many balances in the world. The United States began a global war against international terrorism, which sees that country as its main target. Some countries, however, took advantage of that struggle and hoped to use it for their own ends. The most important of these was China.
China tried to portray the United States' reaction to terrorism as "a war against Muslims," and issued a message in October, 2001. That message said, in essence, that China wanted to cooperate with the Western world against the Islamic terrorists in East Turkestan.
Yet that statement by China is a clear contradiction. The people of East Turkestan are waging an entirely justified struggle to protect their own values and culture, live according to their own religion, and speak their own language. For many years now, that struggle has been waged on a purely democratic platform, thanks to the good sense of the East Turkestan leaders. There may be individuals or groups in East Turkestan who are inclined to the use of violence, just as in any other society, but that does not change the fact that the struggle of East Turkestan is justified. The real terrorist force in the region, as we have seen throughout this book, is the Chinese regime, which is waging a long-term campaign of genocide against the innocent Muslims of East Turkestan.
Western commentators were not slow to express this fact. Former U.S. Senator Jesse Helms was one of these. An example is an article titled "Beware China's Ties to the Taliban" in the October 14, 2001, edition of The Washington Times, just after China's propaganda initiative. Helms had served for many years as Republican party senator for North Carolina, and had been a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In his article, he described how deceptive China's move to gain the support of the United States and the West really was. He stated that there were close links between China and the Taliban regime, and that China was hostile both to Islam and to the West:
.The second rationale for working with the Chinese is the weird assumption that China and the United States share a common interest in fighting terrorism. What a naive and dangerous fantasy. The fact is, the Communist Chinese government is in bed with every one of the terrorist and terrorist-supporting rogue regimes of the Middle East.
Those who imagine that the U.S. shares common interests with the Chinese in combating terrorism most likely base their assumption on China's fight against supposed Uighur terrorism in Xinjiang Province, formerly known as East Turkestan. But there is an ugly catch to that:If the U.S. should end up receiving any kind of support from Beijing for our anti-terrorist efforts, it will almost certainly come at the price of acquiescing in China's crackdown on the Uighurs. That would be a moral calamity, for there is no justification in lumping the Uighurs with the murderous fanatics who demonstrably mean us harm. The Uighurs are engaged in a just struggle for freedom from Beijing's tyrannical rule, for the most part peacefully. For this, they have been viciously suppressed, with the Chinese government arresting and torturing political prisoners, destroying mosques and opening fire on peaceful demonstrations.
Strategically and morally, the United States cannot and must not assume that China is part of a solution to terrorism. Indeed, Communist China is a very large part of the problem.88
As we have seen, Americans are aware of what is happening in Red China and of the terrible oppression of the Muslims of East Turkestan, and therefore regard China, not as a "part of a solution to terrorism," but as a part of terrorism itself.
That view has now come to be shared by many in the West. Various figures are warning of the need to be careful in the face of moves by certain countries that hope to take advantage of the US's fight against terrorism. In a November 5, 2001 article, Thomas Beal, one of the editors of The Asian Wall Street Journal stressed the following:
China's false indignation shows how it is exploiting world-wide revulsion at the attacks on America to justify a nearly 10-year crackdown on ethnic nationalism and religion in Xinjiang, whose Muslim Turkic Uighurs comprise half of the region's 18 million people. For backing, or at least not opposing, the U.S.-led campaign against Osama bin Laden, President Jiang Zemin hopes to milk greater sympathy from Western governments critical of China's human rights record.
The Bush administration must reject China's attempt to equate the attack on America with its separatist problem. It should not give support, tacit or otherwise, to China's abuses of Muslims in Xinjiang.89
Later in the article, Beal turned to the Chinese regime's oppression of the people of East Turkestan, and stated that it was still going on. He concluded his article with these words:
. The U.S. must not abet Beijing's abuses against the Uighurs, a people who know all too well why America is waging war on terrorism.90
For its part, Turkey needs to keep these facts in mind in its relationship with China, and to use diplomatic channels to support the rightful struggle of its fellow Turks and co-religionists in East Turkestan.
THE SOLUTION LIES IN REMOVING THE FUNDAMENTAL BASES OF DARWINISM
We have so far stressed that the philosophical bases of Chinese brutality are Darwinism and materialism. We have also touched on the link between Darwinism and communism. The many examples that have been considered in other works discussing the links between Darwinism and various godless ideologies reveal how Darwinism has turned the world into a place of war and conflict and has also incited racism and attempts at ethnic cleansing. How is it that Darwinism leads people to war, anarchy, chaos and conflict (and that they regard this state of affairs as part of the nature of life)?
- According to Darwinism's twisted view, humans are the product of natural law and chance, and they are a kind of advanced animal who exists only because of survival of the fittest. There is, therefore, no reason why he should not display such animal traits as aggression, ruthlessness and violence. Furthermore, since humans are the product of chance and natural law, we are not responsible for these traits. This idea is encouraged in the written and visual media, despite the fact that it lacks any scientific basis. Educational institutions portray it as if it were a proven fact, which leads people to fall under the spell of Darwinism without their being aware of it As a result young people are not directed in the direction of love, compassion and self-sacrifice, but are inclined to turn to crime, violence, and evil.
- Darwinism and materialism maintain that human progress is dependent on conflict that results in survival of the fittest. The fact that this is put forward as if it were scientific truth, and that it has been expressed by statesmen, rulers and military men over the years, has led to millions of deaths, huge numbers of people being crippled, and ruined cities and nations. Mankind has been through two world wars, and is sinking in conflict, anarchy and terrorism because of Darwinism's praise of conflict which it sees as essential to progress.
- Darwinism regards life as constant struggle, in which the strong can only survive so long as they are ruthless, and thus views "unfair" competition as quite justified. If life is a struggle, then war is the only way to survive, and being ruthless the only way to protect oneself. According to this perverted idea, the weak and feeble are condemned to be crushed and eliminated.
Darwinism leads individuals and societies towards ruthlessness and cruelty, regards war and competition as a biological necessity, and maintains that bloodshed and suffering (and even the infliction of suffering) are the seeds of progress. It regards all of these as a "law of nature." When such an idea becomes the official ideology of an entire state, terror will be the inevitable result.
It is for this reason that the elimination and removal of Darwinism ideology will also mean the elimination of that philosophy of conflict and its various manifestations. The black face of Darwinism must be unmasked, and a great effort must be made to help people to recognize God and believe in Him. The solid morality from religion must be fully explained to society.
God commands people to maintain justice under all circumstances, to love peace and be tolerant, and to oppose chaos and wickedness. The essence of religious morality, therefore, means the establishment of peace and security. All three divine religions (Christianity, Judaism and Islam) oppose conflict and violence. The rejection of Darwinist philosophy and its replacement by religious morality means the replacement of hatred and conflict by love, compassion, tolerance and forgiveness
